To Prime Minister Abiy Ahmed: A Peaceful Path Forward in Tigray

Your Excellency Prime Minister Abiy Ahmed,

The intelligence before you reveals a truth your military briefings may obscure: the Tigrayan people are not your enemy, and the Tigray Defense Forces are not monolithic. The path to lasting peace lies not in encircling a region with two-thirds of your national army, but in understanding its internal fractures, addressing its people’s desperation, and outmaneuvering hardliners through political wisdom rather than military force.

Understanding the Current Reality

The Tigrayan population is exhausted, not eager for war. Civilians already flee toward Afar, not front lines. A displaced woman in Mekelle spoke for millions when she told Al Jazeera that recurring conflict has made them “zombies rather than citizens.” Young people contact smugglers for passage to Europe rather than endure another siege. This is not a population clamoring for battle—it is a population crying for survival.

Eighty percent of Tigray’s people require emergency support. Public services have collapsed for months. Hospitals remain destroyed from the previous war. Teachers go unpaid. Families remain separated, with thousands still not knowing the fate of loved ones kidnapped years ago. In this environment, food and medicine are more powerful weapons than drones or artillery.

The Tigray Defense Forces themselves are deeply divided. The hardliner faction under Debretsion Gebremichael now controls Mekelle, having ousted the moderate Getachew Reda, who fled to Addis Ababa. This split is your greatest diplomatic asset—if you understand how to use it. The hardliners seized territories along the Amhara border—Korem, Alamata, Tselemti—precisely because they need to demonstrate strength to justify their internal coup. They fear appearing weak before their own commanders and a skeptical population.

Your current military encirclement plays directly into their narrative. When Tigrayans see federal troops massing on all sides—along the Eritrean border, the Afar border, the Amhara border—they do not see a government seeking peace. They see preparation for annihilation. This consolidates hardliner control and drowns out moderate voices who might advocate for dialogue.

The so-called “Tsimdo” alliance with Eritrea emerged from desperation, not ideology. Debretsion’s faction partnered with Asmara only after losing faith in the Pretoria Agreement’s implementation. They see Amhara forces still occupying disputed territories. They see Eritrean troops remaining entrenched inside Tigray—in Aksum, where massacres occurred; in Shire, where homes were destroyed; across northern and western areas. They see IDP returns stalled and constitutional restoration delayed. Your government’s failure to deliver these peace terms handed Eritrea its opening.

Recommended Action Items for Peace

First, establish immediate, unimpeded humanitarian corridors. Direct your ministers to coordinate with the UN and international NGOs to surge food, medicine, and essential supplies into all parts of Tigray. Restore electricity, telecommunications, and banking services without precondition. A starving population cannot embrace peace. A population that receives life-saving assistance from your government begins to question hardliner narratives that you seek their destruction. This is not weakness—it is the most effective counter-insurgency strategy available.

Second, make public, verifiable progress on territorial withdrawals. Create a joint monitoring mechanism with international observers to oversee the phased withdrawal of Eritrean forces from Tigrayan territory. Publish timelines and verification reports. Simultaneously, engage Amhara regional authorities in a transparent process regarding disputed western territories. When Tigrayans see concrete action on the ground—not just promises—you rob hardliners of their primary mobilization narrative.Third, engage Tigray’s civil society directly, not just military commanders. The Tigray Independence Party and other local voices have publicly rejected attempts to mobilize the population for renewed war. They understand that another conflict brings only suffering and displacement. Convene a inclusive dialogue in a neutral location—perhaps Nairobi or Djibouti—that includes women’s groups, religious leaders, business associations, academics, and displaced persons. Let Tigrayans speak their grievances directly. Let them see you listening.

Fourth, address the internal TPLF split strategically. The moderate faction under Getachew Reda and Tsadkan Gebretensae is now physically located outside Tigray. They represent a genuine alternative to hardliner control. Support their ability to communicate with Tigrayans through uncensored media. Allow them to present a vision of peace and reconstruction that competes with the hardliners’ war narrative. A political solution requires a credible political alternative.

Fifth, de-escalate militarily as a confidence-building measure. Order a unilateral withdrawal of ENDF forces from forward positions along Tigray’s borders. Replace military encirclement with a verified demilitarized zone monitored by international observers. When you demobilize two-thirds of your army from the region, you remove the hardliners’ strongest argument: that Tigray faces imminent attack requiring unified military resistance.

Sixth, reopen the Pretoria Agreement implementation process with renewed international guarantors. Invite the African Union, United Nations, and United States to reconvene with all parties—including Eritrea—to establish clear benchmarks, timelines, and enforcement mechanisms for the outstanding provisions of the peace deal. Make implementation transparent and verifiable.

Your Excellency, the people of Tigray do not want martyrdom. They want to bury their dead, feed their children, and rebuild their lives. Give them that, and you isolate the hardliners completely. Give them only drones and military command posts, and you unite every Tigrayan against you—not out of love for the TPLF, but out of fear for their survival.

The wisdom to govern is not demonstrated through firepower but through the ability to see beyond immediate military advantage to lasting political resolution. Ethiopia’s unity cannot be bombed into existence. It must be built through justice, inclusion, and the genuine address of grievances.

The path forward is clear. The question is whether you will take it.